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Why We Must Fight For Section 2 Of The Voting Rights Act

October 20, 2025
in Black Media
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Supply: Anadolu / Getty

I’m struggling to search out the phrases to seize the sheer panic I really feel proper now, however it’s a panic born of reality: the very basis of our consultant democracy is underneath menace. What’s unfolding earlier than the U.S. Supreme Courtroom over Part 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 isn’t a procedural argument; it’s an existential disaster that might completely reshape the political panorama and silence the voices of hundreds of thousands of People—significantly these of colour.

On Wednesday, justices from the very best court docket within the land started weighing in on a case that can decide whether or not democracy goes to proceed to weaken and be dismantled by questioning one of the important safeguards of the civil rights period, Part 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965; an act that ensures the federal government should proceed to take proactive steps to make sure truthful illustration for Black and Brown individuals. 

The case sparking the assessment, Louisiana v. Callais, stems from a dispute over a single congressional district in Louisiana, drawn after the 2020 Census to make sure that African American voters may elect a candidate of their alternative. The state initially drew maps that featured just one majority-Black congressional district, rejecting seven extra racially truthful maps. Voters sued, and federal courts ordered Louisiana to adjust to the Voting Rights Act by drawing new maps during which Black voters can be a majority in a second district, thereby reflecting their share of the inhabitants and giving Black Louisianans an equal alternative to elect representatives of their alternative.

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The present case, introduced by a bunch of individuals figuring out themselves as “non-African-American voters” have sued to get these racially proportionate maps thrown out, arguing that enforcement of the VRA violates their very own rights underneath the 14th and fifteenth amendments, claiming that the maps drawn to treatment racial discrimination in opposition to Black individuals as an alternative constitutes racial discrimination in opposition to non-Black (aka: white) individuals.

Whereas the case seems to be localized, it can have an effect on voting on the nationwide degree as a result of, on the core, the case is about whether or not state governments can proceed to deal with discrimination, each historic and ongoing, by taking intentional motion to make sure equity and illustration.

“Part 2 has had a significant impression, positively within the South, however actually nationwide on enhancing political illustration alternatives for voters in a number of totally different communities of colour and throughout the nation,” Kareem Crayton, vp of the Brennan Middle for Justice’s workplace in Washington, D.C., mentioned. “A call that leaves the present understanding of Part 2 in grave doubt opens up, sadly, a number of chaos all through the nation in a number of totally different jurisdictions.”

For many years, the landmark ruling has served because the precedent and authorized device to fight racial gerrymandering, particularly in states with racially polarized voting patterns, like Texas, and their controversial determination to redistrict to search out 5 Republican seats for the Trump administration to proceed their reign of incompetence. 

The Courtroom’s conservative majority, nevertheless, has signaled skepticism towards the continued use of race-conscious districting, seemingly siding with the plaintiffs. Throughout latest oral arguments, a number of justices questioned whether or not such measures ought to have an “endpoint,” suggesting discomfort with what they view as race-based policymaking. Justice Brett Kavanaugh echoed that sentiment, stating that “race-based cures are permissible for a time period… however they shouldn’t be indefinite.”

“The problem, as you recognize, is that this court docket’s instances in a wide range of contexts have mentioned that race-based cures are permissible for a interval time – generally for an extended time period, many years in some instances – however that they shouldn’t be indefinite and may have an finish level,” Kavanaugh informed the lawyer representing a bunch of Black voters who efficiently challenged Louisiana’s first map.

Civil rights advocates argue that this framing ignores the persistence of racial polarization in American elections. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson underscored that time, reminding the Courtroom that Part 2 “is just not a treatment in and of itself however the mechanism by which the legislation determines whether or not a treatment is important.” In her view, the legislation’s enduring utility is just not a distortion of equality however an affirmation of it.

Throughout oral arguments, the plaintiffs’ lawyer instructed that the protection have been demanding a second majority-Black district, prompting Jackson to interject: “No, it’s not,” clarifying that the litigation was about addressing confirmed vote dilution, not entitlement to a selected treatment; underscoring the constitutional curiosity in remedying racial discrimination, a degree echoed by Justice Elena Kagan earlier within the session.

Alanah Odoms, government director of the ACLU of Louisiana, highlighted the importance of the ruling and why the reversal would adversely have an effect on communities of colour’s skill to totally and pretty take part in democracy. 

“The USA Courtroom of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit has affirmed what we’ve at all times identified: Black voters in Louisiana deserve equal illustration,” Alanah Odoms, government director of the ACLU of Louisiana, mentioned. “It is a very important step towards correcting generations of injustice, and we is not going to cease till each Black Louisianan has the complete and truthful illustration assured to all People.”

The political penalties of a ruling in opposition to Part 2 could possibly be profound. In keeping with a report by the Black Voters Matter Fund and Honest Struggle Motion, if Part 2 is overturned, Republican-controlled states may redraw a minimum of 19 further congressional districts to their benefit.

The impression can be quick in states akin to Texas, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana, and North Carolina, all areas with vital minority populations and deeply polarized voting patterns. Free of the duty to attract “minority alternative districts,” lawmakers may fracture Black and Latino communities throughout the nation in a number of districts by isolating them into single closely Democratic districts and decreasing their total affect.

In keeping with the report, as a lot as 30% of the Congressional Black Caucus and 11% of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus may lose their seats. In states akin to Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Tennessee, Black voters may lose all federal illustration.

Cliff Albright, co-founder and government director of Black Voters Matter Fund, warned that the repercussions would prolong past regional politics, noting that it may reshape Congress, adversely affecting the democratic course of sooner or later. 

 “What occurs within the South doesn’t simply keep within the South. This racial gerrymandering has the power to not simply disempower and disenfranchise Black and Latino voters, it may reshape Congress and the nation’s democratic future,” Albright mentioned. “They’ll actually create a everlasting one-party rule system with out the Voting Rights Act in place and doing it on the expense of Black communities and Black voters.”

The Louisiana case revisits questions the Courtroom addressed in an analogous case introduced by Republicans two years in the past in Allen v. Milligan, when it upheld an analogous redistricting order in Alabama, requiring a second majority-Black district for constituents. Chief Justice John Roberts authored that majority opinion, however his latest feedback for the present case recommend the Courtroom might now be reconsidering whether or not these precedents ought to stay intact.

Louisiana Solicitor Normal Benjamin Aguiñaga urged the Courtroom to “reevaluate its voting precedents,” arguing that Part 2 has “positioned states in unimaginable conditions the place the one positive demand is extra racial discrimination for extra many years.” The Trump-era Division of Justice has aligned with that place, asserting that Part 2’s race-based redistricting necessities are not constitutional.

Authorized specialists warn that overturning or narrowing Part 2 would characterize essentially the most vital rollback of voting rights because the Courtroom’s 2013 determination in Shelby County v. Holder, which dismantled Part 5’s preclearance requirement. 

“This determination has the potential to be the tipping level the place the Courtroom declares unconstitutional or closely restricts the power for Congress to create cures that promote multiracial democracy,” Atiba Ellis, professor and affiliate dean at Case Western Reserve College College of Legislation, mentioned.

The stakes surrounding this case attain far past one congressional district or one election cycle. If Part 2 falls, minority communities would lose their simplest authorized device to problem racial discrimination in voting. With out it, specialists predict a “redistricting free-for-all” that might completely reshape Congress.

Basically, this case will decide whether or not the USA stays dedicated to the precept of equal illustration or whether or not the promise of the Fifteenth Modification will as soon as once more turn into, as one advocate warned, “a mere parchment promise.”

The Courtroom’s determination, anticipated later this time period, is not going to solely outline the way forward for the Voting Rights Act however may even check the integrity of the republic itself. The query is not whether or not race issues in redistricting — it’s whether or not democracy can survive with out acknowledging that it nonetheless does.

SEE ALSO:

Black Voter Disenfranchisement Is On The Supreme Courtroom Docket

Supreme Courtroom Poised To Roll Again Black Voting Rights, Once more

The Silence Of The Gavel: Why The Struggle For Part 2 Of The Voting Rights Act Is The Struggle For Our Republic  
was initially printed on
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